I. Introduction
He taught us the ways of love and peace, of truth and beauty. We are being led into the path of a new spiritual culture and civilization of complete harmony and peace, one of refinement in the pursuit of happiness and eternal joy in the Supreme Knowledge of God and the Science of everything in life. Mother Tynetta Muhammad, March 28, 1996 NOI.org
The above statements refer to the founder of the Nation of Islam (NOI) in the 1930s, the Honorable Elijah Muhammad. The NOI and its supporters strongly believe that there is a single and ultimate God, Allah and the Sect’s most important worship is through praying five times each day. In fact it is referred to by Evans as a religious-studies approach that focuses specifically on religious ritual, ethics, doctrine, and narrative."
On the other hand, the Muslim Brotherhood is an Islamic reform movement founded in Egypt in 1928 by Hassan al-Banna. Even though the movement started as an individual and social morality reform society, according to Wiktorowicz (1) the movement’s broader political significance grew to challenge secular leadership in Muslim societies. Muslim Brotherhood’s strategy of change was to facilitate a more Muslim society through grassroots programs in education, charity, and social activities and as the time goes by some branches of the brotherhood have been founded in other Arab countries, including Saudi Arabia, the Sudan, Kuwait, and Jordan. Although the various Brotherhood branches are connected through shared symbolic and ideological linkages, historical experiences differ and each enjoys administrative independence, as Wiktorowicz further explained.
With the above sects or organizations or whatever proper titles they may be called, the following sections discuss their differences or if possible and if there is any, their similarities.
II. The Two Organizations and the State
In the United States, NOI was not allowed to grow and expand peacefully. Aside from the criticisms going against the organization, the state has employed acts of violence against it, and vice versa.
One of the very specific violence that happened was on the night of April 27, 1962, when scores of policeman ransacked the Nation of Islam Mosque in Los Angeles and wounded seven unarmed Muslims, leaving William Rogers paralyzed and Ronald Stokes dead. To many white political leaders, the conflict substantiated their worst fears about the violent nature of the Nation of Islam. On the other hand, many black leaders dared to condemn the police for what they considered to be a racially motivated assault. (Knight)
NOI struggled with its conflicting views and ideals against the white American nation and the burden and fault for the violence was passed on to the Organization’s guilt and accountability claiming that they are violent. In fact there was a rise of a magnificent new militancy within the Negro community all across the American nation with a new sense of dignity and a new sense of self-respect, acquired from blacks' participation in the civil rights movement, the Negro all over America is saying he is determined to be free, according to Cone (215).
On the other hand, the accomplishments of the Brotherhood’s activities in general elections, professional associations, and social support institutions have eventually caused a sour response from the government of Egypt resulting to a bitter relationship between the state and “the centrist Islamist opposition from the mid-1980s onwards” (Walsh). This relationship had caused the Egyptian government to increase the quotas for qualifying into the parliament, had challenged the authority or the legitimacy of the “elections in the associations, had outlawed many social services unless handled through the Ministry of Social Affairs, and dramatically increased minimum required capital holdings for the Islamic banks.” (Walsh)
The most significant issue for the policymakers is that the Egyptian centrist Islamist movement has shown no sign of abandoning the philosophy it has followed for 20 years and that the distinction between “Islamist” and “radical Islamist” is as significant as the distinction between “reformer” and “revolutionary” in the contemporary United States as Walsh have explained. Some of the short comings of the Western world to promote to clash in the Middle East actually apply to the Brotherhood, but if the numbers or the intensity of these short comings or vices be compared, many of them do fit and apply to the incumbent Egyptian administration, which is obviously unsuccessful in delivering and providing meaningful economic relief to an extremely poor population according to Walsh Moreover, the regime remains undemocratic, and applies violence in an subjective manner. It is therefore very obvious that the Brotherhood is facing heavy challenges to attain its goals, because the powerful government itself is hampering the desired success of the movement.
III. The Islam Religion and the Two Organizations
Even though there is quite a confusion as to which religion the NOI followed and still following, it is still basically and clearly Islam. NOI identifies itself as Islamic members with the God called “Allah”. Moreover, according to Pement, the members of NOI call themselves Muslims, as they each and worship in mosques, as well as they appeal to the prophet Muhammad, they recite the Muslim creed, and they view the Qur'an as inspired Scripture. To further prove this belief, Pement further noted that the main leaders of the Sectsuch as Elijah Muhammad, Malcolm X, and Minister Farrakhan performed what a Muslim do: making pilgrimages to Mecca. In fact the current members, during the holy month of Ramadan, they too follow the traditional Muslim fast and they too are instructed to ask the guidance of the hadith or the “traditions ascribed to Muhammad to determine proper conduct and doctrine” (Pement). However, many suggests, according to Pement that NOI is in fact pseudo-Islamic parallel to that Mormonic practice which is pseudo-Christian in nature: although wearing the trappings and emblems of Christianity, they deny certain of its basic tenets.
Furthermore, there are arguments that NOI is not Islam per se. It is viewed as a “a contradictory blend of Islam, Jehovah's Witness doctrine, gnosticism and heretical Christian teachings” (Pement) Moreover, the doctrines are not written, instead it was conveyed orally in The Secret Ritual of the Nation of Islam, which had to be memorized verbatim. It is further viewed that the original NOI is different from the existing one because “in the past twenty-two years since Elijah Muhammad's death, Minister Farrakhan has been seemingly revising aspects of his predecessor's theology”. (Pement)
The Brotherhood on the other side, is 100% Muslim or Islamic. In fact it is obviously observable in its zeal, which is to make Islam as the guiding laws of the nation, which will be based on the Shari’a (Qu’ranic law).
IV. Advocacies and Zeal for Change
The original teachings of the NOI, as previously noted, taught its followers the ways of love and peace, and of truth and beauty as they are being led into the path of a new spiritual culture and civilization of total harmony and peace, one of refinement in the pursuit of happiness and eternal joy in the Supreme Knowledge of God and the Science of everything in life. However, many authors have noted that there are many departures on these original goals of NOI.
The Muslim Brotherhood of Egypt, on the other hand, provides an example of the objectives and strategies of the so-called centrist Islamism. The brotherhood together with the country’s radicals share the same sentiments: wishing for a long-term ambition of implementation of Shari’a as the basis of national law of Egypt. The Brotherhood however, is committed on operating within the present system of Egypt in order to achieve the objectives and denies and rejects any harsh and violent strategies like that “of militant splinter groups such as al-Gama’at al-Islamiyyah and al-Jihad” (Walsh)
In fact, beginning 1991 when Mubarak rose to power in the Brotherhood, the strategies practiced to attain the goal that they have, and to set influence over the incumbent Egyptian political structure, are imbedded into three folds. The first among these is the Brotherhood’s aim to be elected as part of the parliament mainly through tying up with other parties that stand in the opposition. Secondly, is the alliance of the movement with the professional and student organizations, especially the most prominent ones in the country, through proper division of the house or votation procedures. And the third tactic that the Brotherhood employs, according to Walsh, is the establishment of network of social services in neighborhoods and villages. These initiatives, in turn, have filled the gaps in supposed government services, and in the advantage of the movement, these activities have created “an enormous degree of popular support for the Brotherhood without directly challenging the government.” (Walsh)
Even up to these days, there have been no concrete connections that can be made between acts of terrorism and anybody who might be construed as an official of the Muslim Brotherhood. However, the Brotherhood is honest enough in admitting that members of the movement have committed some “radical acts”. It is moreover worth noting that simply because the Brotherhood shares the same long-term goal as radical groups, it does not necessarily follow that ”there is any overlap in their short-term methods, and at this point there is no evidence to undermine the Brotherhood’s peaceful rhetoric” (Walsh)
The Brotherhood's advocacy and manner of attaining change is not through the formation of a new system of politics; “it is a reformist strategy of working through the current system to imbue it with more Islamic tones.” (Wiktorowicz 1) The movement’s leaders distinguish themselves as "reformists, not revolutionaries," and dispute that the approach for the attainment of change is "evolution, not revolution." According to Wiktorowicz (1), "no matter how much the political stands differ between the Islamic movement and the official stand, things must never end up with using violence and the opposite violence [counter-violence]." The brotherhood therefore earns every right to be respected, with respectful and peaceful ideologies.
V. The Issues on Racism for the Two Organizations
According to Louis Farrakhan, the basic beliefs of the Western civilization are rooted in white supremacy, which, obviously the black children do not fit into its educational environment or in any aspect of its teachings at all. Farrakhan implies that if a black child follows the educational environment of the Western civilization, that child would never end up loving himself: as a black. In the Ministers statement in A Torchlight for America, as cited by Pement, he pointed to the whites:
You produce a child who bows down to white people and looks at white people as being God. . . . This is why Malcolm X left school and went into criminal life.
Moreover, according to Fard, the true religion of black people, is Islam; their God was Allah, and their book the Holy Qur'an while the white culture which professed Christianity was the same culture that, despite its advancements and progresses in the world this religion has “sired the Ku Klux Klan, the Jim Crow laws, racism, murder, castration, and unrestricted exploitation of Negro workers.” (Pement) In fact the logic of the above statements denote that Satan must be the God of Christians if they can do such acts, thus Master Fard offers a change from Christianity to Islam, the rejection of the former and the embrace of the latter. Racism at the NOI? It is therefore as clear as the distilled water. As noted in a journal article, "the black separatist Nation of Islam (NOI) and white supremacist Lyndon LaRouche Network have found common ground in their beliefs of biological and political separation of the races." ("The Public Eye" 23)
Despite this cooperation between the parliament and the Brotherhood, the good relationship has declined, especially in 1956 when the movement has “organized protests against policies that permitted a substantial British presence in the country.” (Wiktorowicz 1) This is one aspect of obvious racism observed from the act of the brotherhood. And racism is further shown on how the Brotherhood pushes for a complete Islamic state, following only the rules of the Q’uran above anything else.
VI. Political, Economic and Social Aspects
Louis Farrakhan had turned out to be an established role model for tens of thousands of black followers. The minister’s active preaching and his bearing “for a drug-free society, moral fidelity, black potential, and for blacks to share their material and moral gains with their fellow blacks—all positive and commendable individually—served to give him credibility and moral leverage according to Pement. Politically and socially wise, this is a very good indication of guiding the whole organization. However, not all are happy about NOI’s existence. One critic of it, Singh (81) noted that Farrakhan's political ascendancy has been widely viewed as surprising by virtue of the anti-Semitism and racial militancy that pervade his national public profile in the United States causing “revulsion, outrage, or fear as sheer incredulity”. (Singh 81) Moreover, Singh (82) further noted that as a political operator in recent American politics, Farrakhan's sophistication is more pronounced than many of his critics are either able to recognize or willing to concede. Furthermore, the theological convictions that inform his political beliefs also render his public discourse somewhat more nuanced than is frequently admitted.
On the side of the Muslim Brotherhood, the Western observers are most concerned that Islamist regimes in power would be undemocratic and violent, particularly toward the West. However, according to Walsh (4) it is a mere misconception from the West. While it is impossible to say with absolute certainty that these notions are false, it is certain that the strategy of the Muslim Brotherhood has allayed these fears during Mubarak’s tenure. The evidence does not support the suggestion that the Brotherhood’s democratic and nonviolent tendencies are only for a show or a façade. If the Brotherhood is committed to working within the system, then greater democracy within the country is certainly to its advantage. In a completely free election, the Brotherhood would carry the country in a landslide, Walsh further elaborated. Economically, politically and socially wise, the purpose and ideals of the movement therefore, are for the better.
Economically, the Brotherhood is a positive concept for the Egyptian populace. In fact the Organization make a lot of services and help to the community. One of the most notable of those contributions is the successful charitable project is the Islamic Hospital in Amman. It may not be in Egypt but it is the product of the Brotherhood’s efforts and cooperation, plus Amman is an Islamic state where the Brotherhood has vowed to serve. Moreover, further notable and positive contributions happened following the 1967 war with Israel when members of the Brotherhood settled on establishing their own health care facilities. Construction of the hospital began shortly thereafter in 1970 and it was opened in 1982. Today, there are 1,100 employees and virtually every medical specialty is available at the hospital. Treatment is better than at many private hospitals and the cost is less because all profits are reinvested. (Wiktorowicz 1) Based on the previous premised, on what the Brotherhood is doing, it certainly makes the Islamic community economically, socially and politically better, this is, with another premise, that no violence is being committed.
VII. Leadership Issues
In particular, Farrakhan's current profession of a wholly distinct position in national black American politics powerfully reflect “upon the established black American political leadership cadre in the United States more broadly, in terms of both its many achievements and its several purported deficiencies”. (Singh 12) One of the criticisms of the Minister’s leadership is the on the behavior of some of his followers concerning the aftermath of Los Angeles riot in 1992. It was noted that if black Americans were properly guided and led, the so-called “lawlessness” (Sing 12) of the black youths in the streets would have been prevented.
For the Brotherhood, they view themselves as partners with the government in providing social and moral guidance to their fellow Muslims and many Brotherhood members have labeled their relationship with the regime as one of "peaceful coexistence." (Wiktorowicz 1) Although there is a growing ideologically oriented faction within the Muslim Brotherhood, known as the "hawks," the Brotherhood leadership remains predominantly realist and loyal to the political system. Rather than staunchly opposing structures of power, the Brotherhood works from within the system to produce changes. It acts within the rules of the game, even when these rules are monopolized by the regime. Most importantly, it has never challenged the legitimacy of the state or the Hashemites. While the movement has opposed specific government policies, it has never opposed the right of the regime to govern or threatened the capabilities of the state according to Wiktorowicz. This is why the Brotherhood is highly respected by the community, especially those who, in a way or another, have shared the charities and services the Brotherhood offered.
Works Cited
Cone, James H. A Dream or a Nightmare A Dream or a Nightmare. Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books, 1992.
Evans, Curtis J. "Edward E. Curtis IV. Black Muslim Religion in the Nation of Islam, 1960-1975." Michigan Historical Review 33.2 (2007): 163+.
Knight, Frederick. "Justifiable Homicide, Police Brutality or Governmental Repression? the 1962 Los Angeles Police Shooting of Seven Members of the Nation of Islam." The Journal of Negro History 79.2 (1994): 182+.
Muhammad, Tynetta. A Brief History on the Origin of the Nation of Islam in America and a Nation of Peace and Beauty. The Nation of Islam. 28 March 1996.
Pement, Eric. Louis Farrakhan and the Nation of Islam: Part One. Answering Islam. 29 May 2008.<>.
Pement, Eric. Louis Farrakhan and the Nation of Islam: Part Two. Answering Islam. 29 May 2008.
Singh, Robert. Race, Reaction, and the Paranoid Style in American Politics Race, Reaction, and the Paranoid Style in American Politics. Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press, 1997.
"The Public Eye." Afterimage 22.7-8 (1995): 23.
Walsh, John. Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood: Understanding Centrist Islam. Vol. 24 (4) - Winter 2003. Harvard Review 29 May 2008.
Wiktorowicz, Quintan. "Islamists, the State and Cooperation in Jordan." Arab Studies Quarterly (ASQ) 21.4 (1999): 1.
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